1. Paul Stirling, Turkish Village (London,
2. Ibid., p.3.
3. Ibid., p.25.
4. The importance of agricultural inefficiency in contributing to the general economic collapse has been argued by persons close to the center of power in Poland (cf. Rakowski, 1981, p. 63) as well as by countless foreign commentators; see, e.g. the articles by Wlodzimierz Brus in Alec Nove, Hans-Hermann Hohmann and Gertraud Seidenstecher (eds), The East European Economies in the 1970s (London, 1982), and Andrzej Korbonski in Maurice D. Simon and Roger E. Kanet (eds), Background to Crisis; policy and politics in Gierek's Poland (Boulder, 1981).
5. This has been persuasively argued in other contexts by Jerry F. Rough, The Soviet Union and Social Science Theory (Cambridge, Mass., 1977).
6. See Ian H. Hill, 'The end of the Russian Peasantry', in Soviet Studies, Vol. 27, 1975, No.1, pp.109-27; Roger Whitaker, 'Continuity and Change in Two Bulgarian Communities: A Sociological Profile', Slavic Review, Vol.38, No.2 June 1979), pp.259-71.
7. Influential approaches to peasantry have included, in the American school of cultural anthropology, those of Kroeber (defining peasants as 'part Societies' within a wider culture, in his 1948 textbook Anthropology) and Redfield (see especially Peasant Societi and Culture, Chicago, 1956). Eric Wolf's short hook (1966), remains a masterly introduction. Some of the theoretical problems with the term and the reasons for persevering with it are discussed by Teodor Shanin in his introduction to Shanin (ed.) (1971), and in Appendix A of Shanin (1972). See also the paper by Thorner in this volume; also further discussion by Shanin in two articles on 'The Nature and Logic of the Peasant Economy', Journal of peasant Studies I, Nos. 1, 2 (1973-4).
Because of the attention it has received from a number of distinguished social scientists, the Polish peasantry has figured prominently in general discussions of the subject. For example, it is central to the model constructed by Alan Macfarlane in The Origins of English Individualism (Oxford, 1978). However, the Polish peasantry has changed radically during the twentieth century, and it seems unwise to conflate studies as far apart as those of Thomas and Znaniecki (1918) and Galeski (1973).
8. The idea of 'limited good' (as elaborated by G. M. Foster in an article in American Anthropologist 67, pp. 293-315) suggests that peasants view progress conservatively:
if some are to advance, it can only be at the expense of others, for the economy is like a zero-slim game. Frequently criticized as an explanatory model of peasant behavior, the idea has nevertheless proved fruitful in later studies of peasantry; it is likely to become, ironically, more apt in Polish conditions, as policies to polarize the peasantry are more vigorously pursued (see Chapter Three).
1. The most satisfactory scholarly treatment of this period known to me is that of Henryk Paszkiewicz, The Origin of Russia (London, 1954) and The Making of the Russian Nation (London, 1963). See in particular Appendix 11 to the second of these volumes, entitled 'The Earliest Russian-Polish Borderlands'.
For more background to these awkward and still controversial questions see articles by R. Smal-Stocki and G. W. Simpson in the Canadian serial publication Slavistica, Nos. 8 and 10 (Winnipeg 1949 and 1951). Sec also what promises to become a definitive study of the issues by O. Pritsak, The Origin of Rus' (Vol. I: Cambridge, Mass., 1982).
2. Specialist historians have had difficulty in agreeing on a common terminology to describe the East Slavs, hence authors writing for a non-specialist Western audience face great problems. Against his better judgment, Paskiewicz (op cit) uses 'Russian' (written as Rus'ian in his later volume) because he judges the plain Rus' to be too unfamiliar in the West. He also rejects 'Ruthenian', on the grounds that this is a label applied by Westerners and never acknowledged by any Eastern Slav population. In this book I seek to follow his advice and use the terms employed in self-description by the people themselves. It seems to me that the principal term used in Wislok and the surrounding region until well into the twentieth century was Rus (with Rusnak the proper noun denoting an individual - cf. Reinfuss, 1948, p. 177). Latterly, the terms Lemkian and Ukrainian have been more widely employed, as explained later in this chapter.
3. The definitive study of the colonization of the Sanok lands is Fastnacht (1962). The most influential studies of Vlach impact in these parts are by Kazimierz Dobrowolski, Migracje Woloskie na ziemiach polskich (Lviv, 1930), and Dwa studia nad powstaniem kultury ludowej w Karpatach zachodnich (Cracow, 1938). However, there is no evidence in Fastnacht to suggest that the number of shepherds arriving in this part of the Carpathians from the Balkans was ever very large, and it seems clear that any Vlachs who were induced to settle in places such as Wislok were rapidly assimilated by the Eastern Slavs and converted to the
Orthodox religion. For a more modern assessment of Vlach impact, see Omelian Stavrovsky, Slovatsko-polsko-ukrainskie prykordonnia do 19 stolitta (Bratislava, 1967). For an assessment of the complexity of the problems posed by the Vlachs in the Balkans see J. C. Campbell, Honour, family and patronage; a study of institutions and moral values in a Greek mountain community (Oxford, 1964), pp.1-6.
4. This is the interpretation of Przemysław Dąbkowski; Szkice z Życia Szlachty Sanockiej w XV stuleciu (Lviv, 1923, p.2).
Most of these details of the early history of the village were provided in a personal communication from Adam Fastnacht. Some of the data can be checked and compared with other areas in the following publications of sources: Akta Grodskie i Ziemskie, Vols. 11 and 14 (Lviv, 1894); Polska XVI Wieku, Vol.8 (Warsaw, 1903); Regestr Złoczyńców grodu sanockiego 1554-16)8, published by Oswald Balzer (Lviv, 1891).
5. The phrase derives from Engels and the concept has proved fruitful in a number of recent works by authors seeking to account for the imbalances which generated capitalist development. See Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System (New York, 1974), but also criticisms of this approach in the essay by Jerzy Topolski in J. K. Fedorowicz (ed.) (1982). See also the stimulating chapter on the sorry consequences of this development for the Polish state in Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolute State (London, 1974). The best analysis of the Polish feudal economy of this period is to be found in Witold Kula, An economic theory of the feudal system (London, 1976).
6. See Reinfuss (1948, p.173). It is interesting to compare the fact that the inhabitants of Wislok today, also identify themselves with a larger entity to the east - now known as the Bieszczady Mountains - to which strictly they do not belong.
7. See Józef Pokwiartek, Z badań nad rolą gospodarczo-społeczną plebanii na wsi pańszczyźnianej ziemi przemyskiej i sanockiej w XVI-XIX wieku (Rzeszów, 1974). See also, for more general analyses of peasant resistance in this period, Maurycy Horn, Walka Chlopów Czerwonoruskich z Wyzyskiem Feudalnym w latach 1600-1648; cześć 1 -Zbiegostwo i Zbójnictwo Karpackie (Opole, 1974); Edward Trzyna, 'Stosunki społeczno-ekonomiczne i walka chlopów starostwa krośnienskiego z uciskiem starościnskim i militarnym w drugiej połowie XVII w.' in Rocznik Przemyski (1962, pp.998); Wojciech Soltys, 'Pitawal wedlug "Regestru złoczyncow grodu sanockiego" opowiedziany' in Materialy Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego w Sanoku, 26, pp.63-87.
8. For a detailed history of the birth of this church see the study by 0. Halecki, From Florence to Brest 1439-1596 (Rome, 1958). For background to the delay in the ratification of the Union of Brest by the Przemys'l diocese see the comprehensive church history by the same author, Tysiąclecie Polski katolickiej (Rome, 1966).
9. See Roman Rozdolski, Stosunki gospodarcze w dawniej Galicji, Vol. 1 (Warsaw, 1962),p. 282(n). The records of the Wislok parishes and the cadastral maps of 1851 were consulted in Przemys'l (State Archives). For details of the agricultural census of 1787 I am grateful to Iwan Krasovsky (Lviv).
10. Amongst the many studies of Galician history I have relied upon Stys' (1934); also Waclaw Tokarz, Galicya w początkach ery jozefinskiej w swietle ankiety urzedowej z roku 1783 (Cracow, 1909), Franciszek Bujak, Rozwoj gospodarczy Galicji 1772-1914 in Wybór Pism (Collected Writings), Vol. 2 (Warsaw, 1976) and, in the same volume, the essay entitled Wieś zachodnio-galicyjska w schyłku XIX w. Dr Dennis Vnenchak of the University of Massachusetts (Amherst), is presently completing a study of the pressures which caused such extreme fragmentation of peasant lands in Galicia.
11. On the history of the Jewish community in Poland and the early beginnings of its economic role in the countryside see Bernard D. Weinryb, The Jews of Poland.' a social and economic history of the Jewish Community in Poland from 1100 to 1800 (Philadelphia, 1973), pp. 113-4, also the article by R. Mabler in YIVO Annual of Jewish Social Science, VII (New York, 1952); cf. F. Bujak, Galicya, Vol.1 (Lviv, 1908), pp.101-2 and (for attitudes at a later date) Davies (1981) Vol.2 p.412.
12. Interpretations of this period, which develop those offered by Wallerstein (op cit) for earlier periods, can be found in Ivan
T. Berend and Gy. Ranki, Economic Development in East-Central Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries (New York, 1974);
and also in a stimulating essay by the anthropologist John W. Cole in Sam Beck and John W. Cole (eds), Ethnicity and Nationalism in South-Eastern Europe (University of Amsterdam Papers on European and mediterranean societies, No. 14, 1981). For a brief account of the migratory process from the Rus zone, see Stanislaw Fischer, 'Wyjazdy Lemkow nadoslawskich na roboty zarobkowe do Ameryki' in Materialy Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego w Sanoku 6 (1967).
13. The standard history of Polish populism is Narkiewicz (1976); see also Peter Brock, Nationalism and Populism in Partitioned Poland (London, 1973). It is interesting to note that leaders of the Polish Peasants Party in Galicia had an enlightened approach to nationality problems and did not claim that Poles bad a right to govern in parts of East Galicia which were not mainly occupied by ethnic Poles. Few other Polish political groupings took such a non-chauvinist position.
14. There is a large literature on political and ethnic problems in the history of Galicia, not to mention closely related studies of nationalism elsewhere. There is a comprehensive study by Jozef Chlebowczyk, Procesy narodotworcze we wschodniej Europie srodkowej w dobie kapitalizmu; od schylku XVIII do poczatkow XX w (Warsaw, 1975); a poorly translated version has appeared in English, On Small and Young Nations in Europe (Wroclaw - Ossolineum, 1980). The best general study devoted to the Ukrainians is that by Ivan L. Rudnytsky, 'The Ukrainians in Galicia under Austrian Rule' (Austrian History Yearbook, Vol. III, Pt. 2). A revised version can be found in an excellent collection published in 1982 by the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Nationbuilding and the Politics of Nationalism, ed. by Andrei S. Markovits and Frank E. Sysyn. The first of three projected volumes on Galicia by Paul R. Magocsi has come too late to be consulted: Galicia - A Historical Survey and Bibliographic Guide (Toronto, 1983). The political divisions within the 'Lemkian' zone may be compared with those of Subcarpathian Rus', the subject of a detailed study by Magocsi (1978). On the role of the clergy see John-Paul Himka, 'Priests and Peasants: The Greek Catholic Pastor and the Ukrainian National Movement in Austria, 1867-1900, Canadian Slavonic Papers (1979), Vol.21. No. 10. Himka argues that in the emergence of the national movement the clergy was soon upstaged by other elements in the intelligentsia, but this could not happen in such an isolated and entirely rural area as the Rus zone in the mountains.
15. For a brief account of Shpilka's role see Nasz Lemko Kalendarz for 1939 (Lviv, 1938), pp. 29-32. For a general account of the revolution in the Western Ukraine see Ukraine (1963).
16. See Stephan Horak, Poland and her national minorities 1919-1939 (New York, 1961), especially pp. 158-70. Cf. Davies (1981), Vol.2, pp.404-10.
17. It may be considered erroneous to speak of the invention or fabrication of an identity which is deeply professed even today by 'Lemkians' (or 'Lemkos') in Poland, in the USSR (Western Ukraine) and in North America. Nor would I wish to imply that there are not excellent objective criteria for distinguishing different regional groups within the Rus zone. Outstanding ethnographical studies were made by Reinfuss (1948), and these have continued to influence a younger generation of Polish scholars (cf. Jerzy Czajkowski, Historyczne I etniczne podstawy ksztaltowania sie, grup etnograficzynych w poludniowej czesci woj. rzeszowskiego' in Materialy Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego w Sanoku 9, 1969). Definitive dialectological studies were carried Out by Zdzislaw, Stieber and others from the 1930s (one of the distinguishing features of the Lemkian' are being a regular Stress on the penultimate syllable, as in Polish, and unlike other Ukrainian dialects; but there is also much variety within the area). It is significant that Ukrainian scholars also began to contribute to 'Lemkian' studies in the inter-war period, amongst them Ivan Zilynsky in linguistic studies, the ethnographers Jan Falkowski and Bazyli Pasznycki, and the historian Iuliian Tarnovych: see his Iliustrovana istoriia Lemkivshchyny (Lviv, 1936). See also the article by Mykola Andrusjak, 'Der westukrainische Stamm der Lemken', Sudost-Forschungen,6(1941). Finally, those who have chosen to stick with the 'Lemkian' identity, living mostly in North America, have themselves made useful contributions; see Y. F. Lemkyn, Ystoiyia Lemkovyny (Yonkers, New York, 1969).
Nevertheless the bulk of the literature to
appear on the 'Lemkians' in the inter-war period was produced by Poles to serve political rather than scholarly purposes. Into this category fall some of the contributors to Goetla (1935); also the work by Krystyna Pieradzka, Na szlakach Lemkowszczyzny (Cracow, 1939); the brochure by Mgr. A. Bartoszuk, 'Lemkowie-zapomniani Polacy' (Warsaw, 1939), and similar publications. The context in which these works should be read is that of government policies towards the Ukrainian minority as a whole, particularly concerning Eastern Galicia. For an alternative account of the inter-war period see the chapter by S. Vytvytsky and S. Baran in Ukraine (1963). For later Polish views, protesting the loss of Eastern Galicia after the Second World War see Stanislaw Skrzypek, The Problem of Eastern Galicia (London, 1948); and Jedrzej Giertych, O Przyszlosc Ziem Wschodnich Rzeczpospolitej (London, 1946). For an interesting discussion of the lines taken by the communist opposition in the 'Lemkian' region seethe article by Stefan Makuch, 'O Poczatkach Rozwoju idei socjalistycznej w Galicji', Rocznik Sanocki (1963). See also Janusz Radziejowski, Kommunistyczna partia zachodniej Ukrainy, 1919-1929, wezlowe problemy ideologiczne (Cracow, 1976). In most of this region the Polish Communist Party's attitude to the problem was tantamount to support for the 'Old Ruthenian' line and for the policy of Polonisation; only in eastern sections where a separate communist organization existed (the Communist Party of the Western Ukraine) was Polonisation more vigorously opposed; Wislok lay within this eastern section:
therefore, communist propaganda encouraged these peasants to see exploitation in ethnic as well as economic terms.
The origins of the term 'Lemko' are obscure. Reinfuss (1948) points out that it was not used at all outside a very small area in the eastern section of the region until after the First World War. This small area was the uncertain borderland between the 'Lemkian' group and the 'Boykians'. Rusnaks here were less inclined to accept the name applied to them by others as the basis for a separatist regional identity than the Western Rusnaks, more isolated from Ukrainian influence. Rusnak was also the term preferred by the people who lived south of the Polish border, in territory that is now part of Slovakia, whose language and culture were very close to those of the Rusnaks in Poland. These neighbors have been fortunate enough to survive as a compact territorial group in Eastern Slovakia, with a greater degree of cultural and religious freedom than their kin in either Poland or the USSR; see Paul R. Magocsi, The Rusyn- Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia (Vienna, 1983).
18. One can feel this in his published work (e.g. in his descriptions of the 'incredible richness and color of the folk culture' of that part of the eastern section of the 'Lemkian' region to which Wislok belonged (1948 p. 173), but I learned more in the course of conversations at the Institute of Folk Art in Cracow, especially when we looked through some of the photographs which he took in the region during his trips in the 1920s and 1930s.
19. The events at Lesko, when incoherent and poorly organized peasant protests at what they feared to be a restitution of feudal obligations by certain large landowners were drastically repressed by the state, were one of the most notorious episodes in the harsh treatment meted out to the peasantry in the inter-war period. See Inglot (1980), Vol. 3, pp. 312-3, Davies (1981), Vol. 2, p. 412, and Krygowski (1975), p.95.
20. I have been unable to find any Ukrainian account of the UPA resistance movement, and therefore have had to rely on the Polish military historians Antoni B. Szczesniak and Wieslaw Z. Szota, Droga do nikad, Warsaw, 1973; see also by Szczesniak, 'Walka przeciw ukrainskiemu nacjonalistycznemu podziemiu w Polsce w latach 1944-47' in Władysław Góra and Ryszard Halaba, (eds.) O utrwalenie władzy ludowej w Polsce 1944-1948, Warsaw, 1982, pp.385-430. For more background on the movement and its complicated history during the war years see John A. Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism 1939-45, (2nd edition, New York, 1963). Maria Turlejska has edited two useful collections, Z walk przeciwko zbrojnemu podziemiu 1944-7 (Warsaw, 1966), and W walce ze zbrojnym podziemiem 1954-57 (Warsaw, 1972); in the second of these the contribution by Mieczyslaw Redzinski describes some minor action in Wislok. The vast quantity of sensational writing about this period in Polish has served to sow hatred and to prejudice fresh generations of Poles against every thing Ukrainian; see the evaluation by J. Lewandowski in Potichnyj (1980). In this same collection there is a good summary of the fate of the 'Lemkos' and of the literature dealing with all aspects of their situation in socialist Poland by J. Basarab. It is worth pointing out that not all Poles approved of the drastic military solution adopted, not even those who believed fervently that Eastern Galicia should be returned to Poland (Cf. Jedrzej Giertych, op cit). It is now possible to add that hopes raised in 1980-1 have met a fate similar to those raised in 1956; the time is not yet ripe in Poland for an official re-evaluation of 'Operation Vistula'.
21. Cf. Magocsi (1978), pp.258-9.
1. Official post-war census data show the population of the village (excluding all convicts and also State Farm workers garrisoned at the upper end of the valley) evolving as follows:
1950 171 persons
1961 - 304 persons
1970 - 373 persons
1978 - 329 persons
In the census of 1970 it was found that almost half of the Wislok population (161 persons in all) had arrived from elsewhere in the course of the previous decade. However, during the 1970s there were fewer than forty new immigrants, whilst cases of entire families emigrating from the village also became less frequent. For a general periodisation of the migratory process in the post-war period in the Bieszczady region see Jadam (1976).
2. For criticism of these policies with specific reference to conditions in Bieszczady see Vol. 16 of the periodical Problemy Zagospodarowania Ziem Górskich (1976), and especially the contributions by J. Kubica et al and by W. Jarosz. The former suggest that the minimum area of a farm in this region should be 10 hectares for each individual employed full time on the farm. Jarosz makes interesting comparisons with the pre-war pattern of land utilization; he concludes that although the natural balance between the fodder area and numbers of livestock is more healthy today, there is still much room for improvement in the use that is made of grassland, and also in the types of crops sown. See also the article by Z. Gawlikowski in Vol.17 of the same journal.
The best general outline of changes brought about by the Land Reform and the agricultural policies of the early socialist period is that of Korbonski (1965).
3. There is a large literature on the Agricultural Circles and their forerunners. See especially the discussion in Jerzy Tepicht, Marxisme et agriculture: le paysan polonais (Paris, 1973). For an example of the high hopes placed in them after 1956 see the article by B. Galeski in the collection edited by Z. T. Wierzbicki, Aktywizacja Rozwój Społeczności Lokalnych (Wrocław Ossolineum, 1973). Although the dangers of specialization and bureaucratization were already apparent to Galeski, he was still at this stage able to conclude that the Circle was an authentic popular institution possessing 'a very elastic organization, only insignificantly subject to formalism and bureaucracy' (p.147). On the poor quality of Circle services in the Bieszczady region, even before their forced amalgamation into 'cooperatives', see the article by Halina Kozik in No.154 of Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Rolniczej im. H. Kołataja w Krakowie (1979).
4. There is an abundant literature on the agricultural policies pursued in the 1 970s, the best short summaries being those of Cook (1984), pp.407-13 and Pelczynski in R. F. Leslie (ed.) (1982). Useful information may also be found in J. O'Hagan (ed.), 'Growth and Adjustment in National Agricultures' (Rome, 1978) and also in recent English language supplements to the journal Zagadnienia Ekonomii Rolnej (e.g. to No.2, 1976; and to No.6, 1978). See also Wos and Grochowski (1979) and the two volumes edited by Turowski and Szwengrub (1976, 1977), for much background material on economic and 'sociocultural' conditions in the countryside. A sympathetic outline of the intentions of the Gierek team in this field can be found also in Kolbusz (1978). For more critical assessments see the paper by Galeski, 'Solving the Agrarian Question in Poland', Sociologia Ruralis (1982), Vol.22, No.2, pp.149-66; and also that of Korbonski in Maurice D. Simon and Roger E. Kanet (eds), Background to crisis; policy and politics in Gierek's Poland (Boulder, 1981), pp. 271-97. For the no less critical views of farmers who experienced these policies see Raina (1981). On the agricultural policies of Stolypin see the chapter in G. T. Robinson, Rural Russia under the Old Regime (London, 1932).
5. A general inventory of livestock and survey of land utilization is made each year at the beginning of July. I participated in this work in Wislok for each of the years 1979, 1980, 1981; unless otherwise indicated all figures quoted in the text refer to the month of July 1981 (including those concerning family size, place of employment, investment credits etc.). Where performance is measured over several preceding years the number of farms included in the tables is smaller, due to the exclusion of one or more newly established farms. On the other hand a few farms which have been transferred to new owners in the same period have been included, despite the modification that may occur under new management. Imperfections are unavoidable. Frequent changes in purchasing prices may not be the only factor which makes these gross production figures a misleading measure of farm performance; however, I believe they give an accurate general impression of aggregate output in this village, where geographical isolation makes the extent of private marketing minimal. I see no reason to suppose that autoconsumption varied significantly over this period, though for most families it may have decreased after the full impact of the crisis; for after the introduction of rationing there was more food available for rural consumers in the state shop than had previously been the case.
The data concerning family and employment are based on my own household census. Naturally, the age structure of a resettled village will diverge from that of villages with a continuous history of settlement. A high proportion of the present farm owners in Wislok were born between 1925 and 1935, and the question of a successor will arise before the end of the 1980s. More sophisticated attempts to measure the effects of family labor supply pace Chayanov for the Russian peasantry) have been made for an earlier period by Stys' (1934) and recently in relation to farmers' current behavior by A. Szemberg; see her paper in Turowski and Szwengrub (ed.) (1976), pp.223-38.
6. See Cook (1984); but note also his caveat concerning the constitutional changes, p. 419.
7 Analyses of the current period must be tentative. However, an indication that a return to Gierek's 'polarization strategy' may be more actively pursued came with an article by A. Wos' (Director of the Institute of Agricultural Economics) in the newspaper Zycie Gospodarcze, January 22, 1984. Wos' called for 'rational pragmatism' to replace emotion and dogma in agricultural policies. In his opinion, rather than enable a large number of medium farmers to accomplish a small expansion of acreage and mechanize, it is essential to favor concentration of land, such that the total number off arms would fall to less than half a million, See also an earlier article by Wos', which deals specifically with the southeastern counties, in which the structural problems of agriculture are most severe, Życie Gospodarcze, October 5, 1980.
In the early 1980s favorable climatic conditions, the large price increases and a high level of pressure in the media all helped to maintain production at a reasonable level. However, this was an unusual period; it is difficult to see how any lasting improvement can occur until the structural problems are tackled. Only radical reform of the economy can ensure that farmers will be able to find on the market the inputs they need for production and the consumer goods to make the effort worthwhile in the end. When this happens, official proclamations of the inviolability of private property will perhaps foster genuine feelings of security in the private sector. In 1980-1 many activist groups were calling for 'a public statement that the authorities consider the individual peasant holding to have a status equal in rights and rank as a form of property in the socialist system', (Vale (ed.), 1981,p. 193).The requests were met by an amendment to the constitution passed after the introduction of martial law. However, opinion polls (such as that reported in Polityka, March 7, 1981) reveal that such declarations have made little Impression in the past, since in practice discrimination against the peasantry continued unabated and the goal of gradually extending the socialist sector in agriculture was actively pursued. (For example,
around the time of the Seventh Party Congress in 1975, when it was proudly predicted that the socialist sector would continue to expand its share of cultivated land (Kolbusz, 1977, p. 33). This aggressive ideological stance towards the private sector was one of the main reasons why Gierek's efforts to induce modernization were resented by the mass of the peasantry.) Signs that this contradiction may have persisted into the 1980s have already been identified by Cook (1982), p.419.
1. Compared with other socialist states, in which they constitute a much smaller part of a socialized sector in which producers' cooperatives are preponderant, State Farms play a more significant role in Poland. However, they remain largely restricted to the areas where previous peasant cultivators were dispossessed at the end of the war, i.e. the 'regained' territories in the west, and Bieszczady. On the social forms generated by this type off arming see Marek Ignar, Struktura spoleczna PGR (Warsaw, 1978). See also F. Kolbusz and W. Dzun (eds), Przemiany spoleczne w socjalistycznym sektorze rolnictwa polskiego (Warsaw, 1981). The relative inefficiency of the State Farms in Poland has been well documented. See, for example, Kruszewski (1972), pp.124-33, on performance in the western territories; and also articles by Szymanski in the periodical Wies' Wspolczesna, 1980-1; also the official report on the state of the economy published in July 1981, Rzadowy Raport O Stanie Gospodarki. The State Farms' role in the diffusion of new technical knowledge to the peasantry is discussed by many official and semi-official commentators on Polish agriculture (see note 4 to Chapter Three for references). However, by the later 1 970s more emphasis was being put on the promotion of new forms of cooperation within the private sector ('teams' etc.).
2. Forestry also comes in for criticism in the above-mentioned Rzadowy Raport, the charges including over-exploitation of key reserves and neglect of long term equilibrium. Much of the blame is laid upon the deficiencies in the supply of accommodation for forestry workers. Jadam (1976), pp. 2~3 1, claims that out of a total forest area of 200,000 hectares in the Bieszczady region, 70,000 are 'difficult to penetrate' and a further 45,000 hectares cannot be exploited at all.
3. The inefficiency to which the existence of a large worker-peasantry gives rise is noted by (amongst others) S. H. Franklin, The European Peasantry (London, 1969), p. 212, and is set in correct economic perspective by Gur Ofer in an article 'Industrial Structure, urbanization and the growth strategy of socialist countries' in Quarterly Journal of Economics (1976), No. 2. For Poland some of the drawbacks have been pointed out by Maria Dziewicka in Turowski and Schwengrub (1976) pp. 7~87 and by George Kolankiewicz, who has defined worker-peasants as a new awkward class': see his article in Sociologia Ruralis (1980), Vol. 20, No. 1-2. For brief summaries of some of the Polish studies which point up the advantages to households of being able to retain a small holding after taking up industrial employment see Matejko (1974) pp. 74-6.
For the Bieszczady region Jan Mazur has called for a clearer separation of public and private components of this labor process: see his article in Wies Wspolczesna (1977) Vol. 10, pp. 114-17. Detailed analysis conducted by the Institute of Agricultural Economics in a Bieszczady village (Berezka) with substantial peasant population provided ample confirmation of the problems (detailed statistical data concerning this village served as a useful control during my own survey work in Wislok).
1. An outline of what is meant by 'democratic-centralism', both in general socialist theory and in the Polish practice, is given by Piekalkiewicz (1975: especially Chapter One). For comparative material see Daniel N. Nelson, Democratic Centralism in Romania, East European Monographs 69 (Boulder, New York, 1980).
2. For an early assessment of the 'reforms' of the 1970s see the article by Ray Taras, 'Democratic Centralism and Polish Local Government Reforms' in Public Administration (1975), Vol. 53, pp. 403-26. For suggestions concerning their effects at higher levels of government see the article by Paul G. Lewis in Woodall (ed.) (1982).
3. For example, Taras, op cit, p.421.
4. Brief accounts of the fate of this 'catacomb church' in the USSR are provided by Wasyl Markus in Bociurkiw and Strong (eds) (1975), and also in Potichnyj (ed.) (1980). See also the article by Ivan Hvat and appendices in Religion in Communist Lands, Vol. 11, No. 3, pp.264-94.
5. Sources on the expansion of the bureaucracy in the 1970s and the increase in corruption are numerous; many examples can be read in Vale (ed.) (1981), and in the article by Paul G. Lewis op cit. For comparative material from Romania see the articles by Steven L. Sampson in Sociologia Ruralis (1984), Vol. 24, No. 3 and in Folk (1983), Vol. 25. There is much comparative material from the Soviet Union; see e.g. the feature on 'Clientelism' in Studies in Comparative Communism (1979), Vol. 12, No.2-3.
Although great changes took place during the Gierek period two notes of caution should be sounded. Firstly, despite the later tendency to romanticize the 'puritanical Bolshevism' of Gomulka, in this period there was already a good deal of corruption in local government (e.g. Piekalkiewicz, 1975, pp. 58-9). Secondly, it must not be assumed that the administration was uniformly tainted by the end of the 1970s. On the contrary the Chief Executive in Koman'cza could maintain his position in 1981 because his personal integrity had not been questioned in the preceding years. The fact that, unlike most officials, he resided outside his gmina and had no personal kin ties with its members, was undoubtedly an advantage in this respect.
6. The best translation of this verb is 'make deals'. I do not know how it entered Polish; but Cf. the situation in southern Italy, where peasants are said to be 'with very few exceptions all .. . trying to create and maintain successful combinazioni of separately inadequate, under-capitalized and peasant-like enterprises'. (J. Davis, Land and Family in Pisticci (London, 1973), p.91; also p.24).
7 This meant that for the first time 'the directive role of the Party' was formally recognized in electoral regulations, as
Taras op cit p.418, points out.
8. When elections were finally organized in June 1984 this pattern was confirmed. Tremendous interest surrounded the campaign, because the underground opposition was known to be urging a boycott, whilst the church was not taking a position and the authorities were doing their utmost through the media to make participation in these local elections the test of the legitimacy of the central regime. In the event, with turnout at about 75%, they had reason to proclaim themselves well satisfied. The proportion was low in many major urban centers; in the commune of Koman'cza it was lowest in the factory settlement of Rzepedz, where the workers' movement had been strong. But in Wislok the turnout was 85%, a definite indication (in the opinion of the village headman) that the authorities do indeed have a considerable degree of support. This does not mean that he was satisfied with the way in which the candidates were chosen (by the special commission in Koman'cza), nor was he entirely sure about the accuracy of the final published figures. He was aware that some individuals voted several times over for absent family members, that many people bothered to vote just because they saw others doing so, and because the polling station could be visited conveniently in the schoolhouse straight after Sunday mass. A few were collected and taken along to vote by special van (this service had to be suspended before the end of polling when the vehicle ran out of fuel). But when all these factors are taken into account, the fact remains that there was no direct pressure upon anyone to vote, and the high proportion which nevertheless did so (though still lower than the usual turnout in communist elections) certainly strengthened the position of Jaruzelski's government.
9. Cf. Narkiewicz (1976), p.292.
10. Detailed appraisals of the United Peasants Party can be found in Korboński (1965), Lewis (1973) and Narkiewicz (1975). Of course, one would not expect the party to be particularly strong in a resettled village, where the majority of immigrants had occupied marginal positions in the pre-socialist peasant society. It can also be maintained that the mere fact that a peasant party has survived at all is testimony to the vitality of the populist tradition and a real element of pluralism in the 'hegemonic' system. Thus, apart from their land, Polish peasants have managed to conserve something else that has disappeared elsewhere in the Soviet bloc, a legal political party to represent rural interests. However, opinion polls conducted before the registration of Rural Solidarity showed that most peasants considered this party, like the Agricultural Circles, to be thoroughly discredited. Its leaders had carried their 'agreed policy of compliance' (Narkiewicz, 1975, p.284) too far, and were seen to be just stooges for the Communist Party. See the poll reported in the newspaper Polityka, March 7 1981.
11. Thus, following the long campaign for union recognition which ended with the registration of 'Individual Farmers Solidarity' in May 1981, the authorities went on to award similar recognition to factional groups at loggcrheads with the main leadership; only one of these factions kept the title Rural Solidarity, which, however, continued as the most popular designation for the whole movement. There is a useful account of these developments by Zbigniew Tadeusz Wierzbicki and Placide Rambaud, 'The emergence of the first agricultural trade-union in socialist Poland' in Sociologia Ruralis (1982), Vol. 22, pp.209-26. However, these authors do not substantiate their claim that the appearance of a trade-union, however vigorous in certain parts of the country, signified the end of the traditional peasantry (p.224). Nor do they provide a full analysis of the different orientations which emerged within the rural movement. It is clear that the various wings reflected real differences of interest within the peasantry, as well as regional patterns dating back to the partition period that had given rise to different kinds of populist party in the different regions in the past. Overall it would seem that the aspirations of younger, technically qualified farmers, and the more advanced, larger scale farmers of the western territories (ex-Prussian sector) received less prominence in the programs of the movement than the demands of small holders in more densely populated parts (ex-Austrian sector) for greater security and assistance to all individual farmers, not merely those with the best chances of improving their production.
For the origins of militancy in the countryside in the 1970s see Raina (1981); also the account by Stewart Steven, 'The Poles' (London, 1982), pp. 197-211. A lively report of the crucial events at Rzeszow is provided by Garton Ash (1983, pp. 110-34). An interesting account of developments in two communes in the south-west of the country, one of which showed a high degree of militancy, is Marie-Claude Maurel, 'La commune rurale polonaise entre l'ordre bureaucratique et l'autogestion territoriale', Revue d'etudes comparatives est-ouest (1982), Vol. 13, No.3, pp. 105-27. However, it seems to me that the extent of peasant militancy has been exaggerated in some commentaries. It is significant in my opinion that strikes and occupations of government buildings tended to be organized only when other specific issues were involved, such as religion (the presence of crucifixes in schools) or the scandal of the government hunting reserve in Bieszczady (where the protesters were scarcely typical of the traditional peasantry in this historically militant south-eastern region). After martial law the emigre press continued to report protests in this region (e.g. the Voice of Solidarnosc (London), 1 February 1984), but I found these to be very misleading. For a more sober assessment of peasant political behavior see Cywinski (1983, pp. 96-7).
12. Cf. Shanin (1972, Appendix A); Narkiewicz (1975 p. 272) has argued that populism is always 'an ideology of cripples', generating demands (e.g. for abundant land) that cannot possibly be met.
13. For further examples see Tadeusz Zochowski: Konflikt na wsi; reportaze (Warsaw, 1980).
14. Compare the pattern described for a traditionally Polish settlement in the Beskids by Wierzbicki (1963, p.331).
1. Janusz Tazbir, A State without States (New York, 1972). It is nonetheless true that the climate became progressively less tolerant after the late impact of the Counter-Reformation; see, e.g. the description by Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolute State (London, 1974), p.292 and Ciupak (1973, pp. 48-50). A reasoned attempt to show that 'the Polish tradition of tolerance' survived through the centuries, and was not extinguished even in the inter-war period, is that of Francoise Le Moal, 'Tolerance in Poland: political choice and tradition' in W. Stankiewicz (ed.), The Tradition of Polish Ideals (London, 1981), pp. 52-84.
The outstanding general history of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland is by Oscar Halecki, Tysiaclecie Polski katolickiej (Rome, 1966). See also Georges Castellan, Dieu garde Ia Pologne! histoire du catholicisme polonais 1795-1980 (Paris, 1981); and for details of most recent developments see Szajkowski (1983).
2. Kieniewicz (1969), makes very little of the role played by the Church; but see for example the approach of Wierzbicki (1963), and his articles in Turowski and Szwengrub (eds.) (1977), and in Zdaniewicz(ed.) (1981).
3. Orthodox academic analyses of trends in the socialist period are well presented by Pomian-Szrednicki (1982, especially Chapter Five), who also brings Out well the ambiguous character of the alleged 'secularization.
4. Statistical data on the social background of the clergy and many other aspects of Church affairs can be found in W. Zdaniewicz, The Catholic Church in Poland 1945-78 (Pallottinum, Poznan and Warsaw, 1979).
5. For further examples see Adam Boniecki, Budowa kosciołow w diocezji przemyskiej (Paris, 1980).
6. See, e.g. Wyszynski's message to the leaders of Rural Solidarity on April 2, 1981, 'Nie dac sobie wydrzec ziemi' in Stefan Kardinal Wyszynski, Koscioł w służbie Narodu (Rome, 1981). Cf. Szajkowski, 1983, pp. 118-24. These sentiments were echoed by Archbishop Glemp, Wyszynski's successor, at Czestochowa on August 15, 1982.
7. Pomian-Szrednicki (1982), p.71.
8. See the volume Historia Katolicyzmu społecznego w Polsce 1832-1939, especially Part II dealing with the development of social Catholicism' in the inter-war period (edited by Czeslaw Strzeszewski et al Warsaw, 1981).
9. Vincent C. Chrypinski in Bociurkiw and Strong (eds.) (1975), p. 241. For more elaborate criticism of these aspects of Polish Catholicism see S. Czarnowski, 'Kultura religijna wiejskiego ludu polskiego' (in Dzielo, Vol. 1, pp. 8~107 and Ciupak (1973). The former, writing before socialist transformation was in prospect, identifies several features which were already modifying traditional 'ritualism' and 'sensualism'. Ciupak believes that the church has been deliberately adapting its ideology to socialist conditions, whilst continuing to rely upon affectivity and ritual (see especially Chapter Two, and Chapter Nine, p. 279, pp.291-94).
10. Amongst those whom the observance of unethical behavior has caused to suggest the absence of genuinely deep religious convictions, Fiszmann (1972), p. 19, comments that Polish Catholics do not 'internalize principles of piety and. . . practice them in daily life'. However, it may be that such 'immorality' is restricted to a clearly demarcated public domain, identified with the socialist sector, whilst within the family and networks of friends the moral imperatives are highly effective. Of course, this poses grave problems for society, when, e.g. the property of individuals outside the personal circles is treated with the same disrespect as collective or 'socialist' property. Kieniewicz (1969), p. 148 notes a comparable situation in the nineteenth century regarding the peasants' violation of Lordly property rights, especially over forest land. For discussion of the contemporary problem, see: Wierzbicki (1963), pp. 31l-13; also Stefan Nowak, 'Value Systems of the Polish Society', Polish Sociological Bulletin (1980), Vol.20, No.1, pp. 5-20; also Pomian-Szrednicki (1982), pp. 155-5, and the essay by Andrzej Swiecicki in the volume edited by Adam Boniecki et al, 'Nous chretiens de Pologne' (Paris, 1979); also the articles by J. Marianski and others in Zdaniewicz (ed.) (1981); also Patrick Michel, 'Morale et societe' en Pologne: Ie discours de l'eglise', Revue d'etudes comparatives est-ouest Vol. 14 (1983), No. 1,pp. 121-32.
11. Dziewanowski (1977, p. 240).
12. Bronislaw Malinowski, Magic, Science and Religion (New York, 1954), p.89.
13. Cf. Stanislaw Fischer, 'Obrazki z życia religijnego Łemków nadoslawskich na przełomie XIX i XX w' in Materialy Muzeum Budownictwa Ludowego w Sanoku (1969), No. 9, pp. 4~8.
14. Cf. Potocki (1974) Part 4.
15. Thomas and Znaniecki (1918-20), p.275.
16. Cf. Victor Turner and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (Oxford, 1978), p.64.
17. Cf. Pomian-Szrednicki (1982), p.66.
18. In another parish, elsewhere in the Beskids, it was quite clear that the sole obstacle to the holding of Greek Catholic services in 1981 was the attitude of the Roman Catholic bishop of the diocese. Despite the protests of the Catholic population and several appeals to the Pope, it seems likely that many more will transfer to the Orthodox Church if this is the only way that they may participate in eastern rite services. The close identification of Rural Solidarity with the Roman Catholic Church inevitably compromised that movement for some members of this minority.
19. See Jadam (1976), pp.345 for a discussion of this settlement; this author is presently engaged on a more detailed comparative study of this sect.
20. It is significant that the successful farmers of this village were no more sympathetic to Solidarity as a movement than the Greek Catholic minority described above. They were unimpressed by the talk of moral regeneration, found their own farm management impeded by the dreadful conditions which prevailed in 1981, and identified a regrettable breakdown of law and order; hence, they condoned and even positively supported the eventual recourse to martial law. Certainly, this sect was satisfied with the treatment it had received over many years from the socialist state, and was suspicious of an opposition movement so closely associated with the dominant church.
1. For example, Lucjan Blit wrote of 'the endemic conflict between two churches, one with its Rome vicar, the other with its Moscow chairman': The Eastern Pretender (London, 1965), p.218.
2. Cf. Danuta Jachniak-Ganguly, 'Administration and Spatial Planning as Tools of
Land Management in Poland', Center for
Environmental Studies, Occasional Paper
(1978), No. 4, pp. 18-l9.
3. This does not prevent some employees of the sawmill from chiding their peasant neighbors, on account of the large areas of uncultivated land; to which the usual riposte is an invitation to the worker to set up his own farm and put some land back into production himself.
4. For example, Cywinski (1983).
5. The extent of this gap is concisely summed up by Tomiak in Woodall (ed.) (1982), pp. 151-2. See also Raina (1981.. Part One) for contemporary rural perceptions; and, for interesting discussion of the pre-socialist gap and how it has been closed in different regions of the country, Stefan Nowakowski, 'Town Dwellers versus Village Dwellers' Journal of Contemporary History(1969), Vol.4, No. 3, pp.111-122.
6. Official statistics show that the incidence of permanent emigration from Poland rose appreciably during the 1970s but then slackened briefly during the Solidarity period (the suicide rate also fell sharply at this time). It is impossible to gauge the full extent of short-term migrant labor to Western countries, but this has certainly been very considerable.
7. The disadvantages experienced by rural children are discussed by Fiszmann (1972) pp. 48-9, M. Kozakiewicz in Turowski and Szwengrub (eds.) (1976), pp. 293-304; Tomiak in Woodall (ed.), (1982), pp.151-2, and by an officially appointed commission of inquiry which published its report in July 1981, Raport O warunkach startu zyciowego i zawodowego mlodziezy. The report was widely discussed in the press, e.g. in an article by Iwona Derlatka in Gromada, a newspaper widely read amongst the peasantry, July 2,1981.
8. Fiszmann (1972, Chapter 4), reports a much higher degree of 'social activism' earlier in the socialist period; but from his own examples it is not difficult to appreciate the difference between being a 'missionary' in the old gentry tradition and becoming regularly involved in an unlimited number of petty administrative chores.
9. This assertion is based upon my own conversations with young villagers, and attempts to deal with their awkward questions, e.g. 'why did Britain not fight with Poland in 1939 against Fascism, and why did the Allies leave the greatest sacrifices to be made by the Soviet Union?' Cf. Bohdan Cywinski, Zatruta humanistyka: ideologiczne deformacje w nauczaniu szkolnym w PRL (Warsaw, 1977). For a discussion of Polish writings on subjects with a wartime Ukrainian bearing, including popular works well known in Wislok, see the article by J. Basarab in Potichnyj (ed.) (1980).
10. See Jan Jerschina, 'Narod w Swiadomosci mlodziezy', Prace Habilitacyjne, No.23 (Cracow, 1978), who also cites as negative features prominent in the consciousness of young persons the lack of respect for public or private property, lack of common interests at the workplace, and the inability on the part of society to organize and cooperate harmoniously. The superficiality of much of the knowledge imparted through the school system is attested by Fiszmann (1972, Chapter 7). On the importance of alcohol in the village see also Wierzbicki (1963), pp.333-50.
11. The graduation party held every year early in June was cut short in 1979 for the children attending when it was discovered that youngsters had got hold of some wine; having packed the children off home, the teachers and a few parents then carried on with their own vodka party.
12. See the fragmentary evidence collected by Halina Malinowska, Extent and Effects of Alcoholism in People's Poland, Survey 25.1, pp.53-7. For an analysis of the Soviet case see Vladimir G. Treml, 'Alcohol in the USSR: a Fiscal Dilemma', Soviet Studies (1975), 27, No.2, pp.161-77.
13. With welfare services poorly developed and unlikely to be awarded more funds in the near future, the general health of the population seems to be worsening. Age-specific mortality rates have been rising for several years past for most male groups, but it is impossible to know what part increased alcohol consumption may be playing in this; see the article by Chris Russell Hodgson in Woodall (ed.) (1982), especially pp. 175-8. The most notorious case of alcohol inducing aggression and violence against women in Wislok involved female affines. Drinking bouts were organized regularly, the men would pass out before the mother-in-law and daughter-in-law came to blows, and everyone would beg each other's forgiveness when they had sobered up!
14. The best that I can offer is the statement by Engels, 'Alcoholism is to a great extent a reaction to frustrations and the lack of prospects in life' quoted in Vale (ed.) (1981),p. 89.
15. Hugh Brody, Inishkillane (London, 1973). The greatest contrast with the Irish situation as described by Brody is that in Poland, since drinking behavior is governed by constantly fluctuating supply conditions, there is no longer any observable seasonal pattern of consumption.
16. There is, of course, nothing novel about such exploitation. Wallerstein has noted that private noblemen were running this sort of business from the seventeenth century onwards (The Modern World System, Vol. 2 (New York, 1980), p.140). The main difference is that when the monopoly is a public one and educational levels are much higher, then the awareness of exploitation is also liable to be greater. The church is well placed to drive the point home, and can justly claim to have played a major part in temperance campaigns in the past (Cf. Kieniewicz, 1969; pp. 1 l~7; Wierzbicki, 1963, p.333).
1. These figures are from Rocznik Statystyczny,
1980, Section 2. As Tomiak (in Woodall ed. (1982), p.151) points out, this means that the total number of children living in the countryside is about 700,000 greater than the number of urban children. It was not possible to collect exact data for Wislok for the whole of the socialist period, but the average number of children born by women resident in the village in 1981 and who then had at least one child of school age (6-16 years) was 4.6; however several of these women have not yet completed their families. High fertility is discussed by Marek Okolski in an article in Oeconomica Polona (1983), Vol.20, No.2. The state's responsibility is also made clear in his article, 'Abortion and Contraception in Poland', Studies in Family Planning (1983), Vol. 14, No.11.
2. A short summary of demographic trends in Poland in the socialist period is given by Leszek A. Kosinski in the volume edited by him: Demographic Developments in Eastern Europe (New York and London, 1977). For a Polish textbook on the same subject, Part One of which deals with the effect of wartime losses, see Edward Rosset; Demografia Polski (Warsaw, 1975). See also Okolski (op cit). For a statement of the unchanging position of the church see Stefan Kardinal Wyszynski's guidance 'Wies' polska musi byc zaludniona' (fragment of a message to Rural Solidarity leaders, 2 April, 1981; published in Kosciol w sluzbie Narodu (Rome, 1981). Cf. Szajkowski (1983), p. 124. Further analysis of the factors which determine the ideal and actual size of the family in Polish villages will be found in the thesis currently being prepared by Frances Pine (London School of Economics).
3. This is a crude statement of the 'insurance' function of offspring, but it does seem a priori plausible that desired family size is higher where welfare systems do not make satisfactory provision for security in old age. For rural dwellers the Polish system has been distinctly less satisfactory in this respect than that of other East European states (where collectivization required the earlier introduction of pension schemes, even if. these compared unfavorably with those of industrial workers).
4. In other words the emancipation of women from what has been termed 'the endless sequence of pregnancy and lactation' (by Michael Mitterauer and Reinhard Sieder in The European Family Oxford, Blackwell, 1982) characteristic of peasant society in the past may indeed take place in the peasant sector (or at least part of it) but be adopted afresh in the new socialist sector; this can happen despite the fact that the work-place is now fully separated from the family and the traditional economic rationale for the large family must have changed.
5. Hence, this elderly Ukrainian, having signed his land over to the state in order to obtain a pension, in accordance with the regulations introduced in the Gierek period, found himself obliged to rent land privately in later years in order to maintain a low level of commodity production and supplement his income. The sister-in-law who upset his expectations is nicknamed Wolna Europa (Free Europe) after the well-known radio station: a constant gossip and troublemaker!
6. See Poland (1977, p. l37 passim). Article 81 of the Constitution reads as follows: 1. Citizens of the People's Republic of Poland irrespective of their nationality, race or creed have equal rights in all areas of the life of the state, of political and economic life as well as in social and cultural life.
Contravention of this principle by any discrimination, direct or indirect, or restriction of rights according to national, racial or religious criteria, will be liable to punishment. 2. The spreading of hatred or contempt, the provocation of discord or the humiliation of a human being on the basis of differences in nationality, race or creed, is forbidden.
7. The origins of this attitude towards Ukrainians are discussed in an article by Z. Anthony Kruszewski in The Politics of Ethnicity in Eastern Europe, George Klein and Milan J. Reban (eds) (East European Monographs Series, 93, Boulder, 1981). For illustrations of how the hatred has been fanned in the socialist period see the articles by Georges Mond, Roman Szporluk, John Basarab and Jozef Lewandowski in Potichnyj ed. (1980). For evidence on the extent of anti-Ukrainian sentiment in a Polish mountain village further west in the Carpathians see the data presented by Z. Chlewinski: 'Dystans spoleczny wobec wyznawcow innych religii oraz innych narodowosci', Przeglad Socjologiczny, 32. (1980), No. 1, pp. 157-79. Policies promoting assimilation are given implicit approval by Kwilecki (1974), who also describes many of the difficulties experienced by the 'Lemkos' in the early socialist period. A crude theoretical model of how this assimilation is proceeding has been sketched by Ewa Nowicka, 'Przyczynek do teorii etnicznych mniejszosci' in Hieronim Kubiak and Andrzej K. Paluch (eds), Zalozenia teorii asymilacji (Wroclaw Ossolineum, 1980). Shortly after this last book was published the emergence of Solidarity permitted different voices to make themselves heard. The Solidarity Congress passed a resolution which essentially reiterated the provisions of the Constitution concerning the rights of the minorities (translated in 'Information Center for Polish Affairs (UK)', No. 16, November 4, 1981); and a long article dealing with the 'lemkos' appeared in the newspaper Tygodnik Solidarnosci, No.43 September, 1981; unfortunately it must be pointed out that very similar sentiments were expressed in the media in the liberalized period immediately following 1956, with little practical effect.
8. For example, Jan Szczepanski (1970, pp. 133-7) writes of the 'farmerisation' of peasants and the 'reorganization and decomposition of the peasant class', although he later admits that even the tenuous survival of individual farms does perpetuate pre-socialist class differences to some limited extent'; Boguslaw Galeski has argued tentatively (1973, pp. 131-2) that ownership of the means of production and the process of capital concentration are no longer the basic factors which determine the social structure in the Polish countryside. See also the more theoretical discussion of the limited significance of the peasant's legal relationship to the means of production under socialism by Wesolowski (1979, pp. 109-13). See also the article by Turski in Turowski and Szwengrub (eds) (1976, pp. 47-75); also articles by Wos (in Augustyn Wos (ed.), Spoleczno-ekonomiczne problemy rozwoju wsi i rolnictwa w Polsce (Warsaw, 1978), pp. 16-37) and by W. Dzun and S. Moskal (in F. Kolbusz ed., Ewolucja spoleczno-ekonomiczniej struktury polskiego rolnictwa (Warsaw, 1979), pp. 97-115).
1. Cf. Colin Bell and Howard Newby, Community Studies (London, 1971). The tradition which goes back at least to Tonnies of postulating community (Gemeinschaft) in binary opposition to Gesellschaft (society, association') is still very much alive (cf. fashionable debates about 'community policing'). Polish authors have contributed much to the ideal type of a peasant village community: see in particular Galeski (1973, pp.77-99); but precise definitions have seldom been forthcoming. I do not attempt to put forward one of my own, but follow the simpler procedure of taking the claims made by certain Polish sources and questioning them in the light of empirical data.
2. Jerzy J. Wiatr in his chapter on 'Polish Society' in Poland (1977).
3. In addition to the main works cited in the bibliography, both these authors have published many articles, and Jadam is still carrying out fresh research in the region. He has also edited a volume of memoirs under the title Pionierzy (Rzeszow, 1975), introduced by a better known sociologist B. Golebiowski. The general perspective of
Integration and stabilization is shared by a study of a more westerly part of the Beskids, which experienced the same fate after the war: Lucjan Kocik 'Struktura spoleczno-zawodowa oraz przeobrazenia wsi regionu muszynskiego w okresie 1 94~75', Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego, DVI Prace Historyczne.
There is a much larger literature, similar in content, concerning the resettlement of the 'regained territories'. A good selection can be found in Andrzej Kwilecki (ed.), Ziemie zachodnie w polskim literaturze socjologicznym (Poznan, 1970); an early monograph was published by Stefan Nowakowski, Przeobrazenie spoleczne wsi opolskiej (Poznan, 1960); a good study of a larger area, currently being updated under the supervision of the original author, is Jozef Burszta, Integracja kulturowa wsi koszalinskiej (Poznan, 1965); for a good overview complementing these Polish studies and doing fuller justice to such factors as the role of the church as a unifying force, see Kruszewski (1972).
4. Jadam(1976),p. 152.
5. Jadam data are set out in an article Autorytety w bieszczadzkiej społeczności osadniczej, which appeared in Rocznik Naukowo-Dydaktyczny WSP w Rzeszowie (1977). The author refers on several occasions to a longer (and in my opinion similarly dubious) study, Stefan Dziabala, Autorytety wiejskie; studium socjologiczne (Warsaw, 1973). His data were contradicted for Wislok by the results of the survey conducted in 1981 by the student whose field research was noted at the end of Chapter Eight.
6. Biernacka(1974),p. 185.
7. Potocki (1974), p.282.
8. Jadam does pay considerable attention to sects such as the one in Wola Piotrowa described above (1976, pp. 3~5), and Biernacka makes passing reference to folk beliefs and superstitions (1975, pp. 1 7-82); but neither offers a fair treatment of the role played by the Roman Catholic Church.
9. Cf. Korbonski(1965),p. 163.
10. Cf. Lewis (1973), p.80.
11. See the front page of Tiybuna Ludu, January 7, 1981. It is impossible to provide adequate documentation for these summary comments on countries with such diverse histories and natural endowments. For some indication of how diversity has been preserved in the social period see R. Francisco, R. Laird and B. Laird (eds), The Political Economy of Collectivized Agriculture (New York, 1979); and for an expert economic analysis, also looking in detail at the individual countries and providing a useful bibliography, see KarI-Eugen Wadekin, Agrarian Policies in Communist Europe; a critical introduction (The Hague, 1982). See also G. Lazarcik, 'Comparative Growth, Structure, and Levels of Agricultural Output, Inputs and Productivity in Eastern Europe 1965-1979', United States Congress, Joint Economic Committee, East European Economic Assessment, Part Two (Washington, 1981), pp. 587-634; also Ivo Moravcik, 'Une comparaison des resultats de l'agriculture en Pologne et en Tchechoslovaquie', Revue d'etudes comparatives est-ouest 15.2 (1984), pp. 97-110; this author presents interesting comparisons, not limited to Czechoslovakia.
12. Although Poland and Hungary were the two distinctive 'gentry nations' of Eastern Europe and shared a number of features in the pre-socialist period, there were also important differences. For example, the number of manorial workers was much higher in Hungary, whilst in Poland the independent peasantry was proportionately stronger, and this was reflected in the power of its political parties. It seems nonetheless to be true that the failure to collectivize agriculture in Poland has been responsible for some important contrasts to have emerged between the two countries in recent years. This is stressed in connection with the analysis of social mobility in the two countries by Rudolf Andorka and Krzysztof Zagorski, 'Socioeconomic Structure and Socio-Occupational Mobility in Poland and Hungary', Supplement to Polish Sociological Bulletin (1978; Warsaw); and in connection with new patterns of stratification by Tamas Kolosi and Edward Wnuk-Lipinski (eds.), 'Equality and Inequality under Socialism; Poland and Hungary compared' SAGE Studies in International Sociology 29 (London, 1983).
13. For a discussion of developments in Yugoslav agriculture up to 1974 see Branko Horvat, The Yugoslav Economic System (New York, 1976), pp. 76-155. It must be noted, however, that even since the 'Green Plan' adopted in 1974, which has given peasants a greater degree of security as landowners than they have enjoyed in Poland, many serious problems have persisted in Yugoslav agriculture, some of which bear uncanny resemblance to problems in Poland. The crucial difference seems to be that the market has worked more efficiently: the prices for agricultural products have risen, and peasants have been able to command more and more industrial goods, even though drastic inflation has been one of the consequences. For a positive assessment of the progress made in all fields, including inter-sectoral integration, see the article by Vladimir Stipetic' in Karl-Eugen Wadekin (ed.), Current Trends in the Soviet and East European Food Economy (Berlin, 1982), pp. 309-330. However, it seems that there are definite limits, ideologically imposed and without regard to objective economic potential, to the freedom which even the self-managed socialist economy is prepared to allow its private farmers. See the comments by Robert F. Miller on Stipetic's article (ibid), pp. 333-8 and his conclusion that the country faces 'continuing de-agrarisation and disintegration of private agriculture' (p. 338); Cf. the prediction by Harry Mydall that 'a critical point' may soon be reached, such that if private sector production is to be maintained it will be essential to do away with the ten hectare limit on farm size, Yugoslav Socialism in Theory and Practice (Oxford, 1984), p.271.
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